By Pao Lee Vue
Vue explores and analyzes segmented assimilation at the flooring utilizing Hmong case reports of hip-hop and import racing. His paintings sheds mild on how moment new release teenagers are positioning themselves in the U.S. racial order. Findings point out that the colour line, although blurred, continues to be very robust within the U.S. and buildings how young children of immigrants comply with American existence. via their encounters with exclusion, racism, or even brokers of social regulate, Hmong male contributors have interaction in resistance and create identification by utilizing their cultural "tool kits," together with the preferred practices of hip-hop and import racing.
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Additional info for Assimilation and the Gendered Color Line: Hmong Case Studies of Hip-Hop and Import Racing
Another important contribution that Mosher et al. (2008) and Pickerill et al. (2009) make is that they have also included analyses of racial groups that were mostly absent in the literature, including Asian Americans. 51). Mosher et al. point out that using statistics alone is insufficient in explaining this Asian “street racing” phenomenon and suggests that a more qualitative approach is needed. One of the contributions of the current study is to provide a more experiential account of how the “street racing” phenomenon is occurring and affecting Asian drivers.
I mentioned above that the participants in my study – regardless of their choice of popular cultural practice – often identified themselves by their ethnic identity (as Hmong) and only conditionally by their racial identity (as Asian American) to avoid confusion by Whites and other groups. Yet, it is worth noting a key difference between Hmong hip-hop artists and Hmong import racers: while racial identity (being Asian American) gave the import racers the feeling that they had a rightful claim to their popular cultural practice, hip-hop artists used their ethnic identity (as Hmong) to authenticate their participation.
I argue, however, that we should also consider what is not said. The boundary work of race and “authenticity” of all participants, as I will describe in the following chapters, not only show that the popular cultural practices are deeply racialized but that the popular cultural practices are forms of resistance. Even though racial lines may exclude Hmong youth and young adults in the broader American context, by constructing and reconstructing 15 Hollander and Einwohner (2004) propose the following seven types of resistance.