As French as Everyone Else? A Survey of French Citizens of by Sylvain Brouard

By Sylvain Brouard

France is frequently depicted because the version of assimilationist or republican integration within the overseas literature on immigration. besides the fact that, hardly ever have surveys drilled right down to supply person responses from a double consultant pattern. In As French as all people Else?, Sylvain Brouard and Vincent Tiberj offer a finished review of the kingdom of integration in France and problem the standard quandary of integration by means of systematically evaluating the "new French" immigrants, in addition to their young children and grandchildren born in France, with a pattern of the French basic inhabitants. The authors' survey considers quite a lot of themes, together with spiritual association and religiosity, political attitudes and political efficacy, worth platforms (including gender roles, paintings ethics, and anti-Semitism), styles of integration, a number of identities and nationwide property, and affirmative motion. because the authors exhibit, regardless of current modifications, immigrants of Maghrebin, African, and Turkish beginning percentage a large scope of commonality with different French electorate.

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As French as Everyone Else? A Survey of French Citizens of Maghrebin, African, and Turkish Origin

France is usually depicted because the version of assimilationist or republican integration within the foreign literature on immigration. although, infrequently have surveys drilled right down to offer person responses from a double consultant pattern. In As French as every body Else? , Sylvain Brouard and Vincent Tiberj supply a entire overview of the country of integration in France and problem the standard obstacle of integration through systematically evaluating the "new French" immigrants, in addition to their young children and grandchildren born in France, with a pattern of the French normal inhabitants.

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C OUNTRY OF ORIGIN has little influence on religious belong- ing apart from two related exceptions: those of Moroccan origin describe themselves a little more often as Muslim, and those originat4 The descendants of mixed marriages seem to be overrepresented (nearly a quarter of our sample). In the rest of the analyses, we systematically take this factor into account. We explain its effect each time it is significant. 5 Fifty-six percent of the first generation born in France and 85 percent of the second generation born in France are less than 18 years old.

Mixed marriages result in a clear disengagement from the Muslim religion. Excluding the descendants of mixed marriages, the proportion of Muslims reached 70 percent in our sample. If we modestly assume that 10 percent of marriages among the 12 ■ Chapter 1 New French are mixed,4 the corrected religious affiliation figures for all those of African and Turkish origin are 66 percent Muslim and 16 percent not religious. Current estimates of the number of Muslims in France have oscillated between 4 and 5 million since 1998 (Boyer 1998), with a peak at 6 million in 2000–2001.

Is there opposition to religiously mixed marriage? We asked Muslims and non-Muslims in our sample how they would feel if their son or their daughter (chosen randomly) were to marry a non-Muslim or Muslim, respectively. The analysis confirms that only a minority of Muslims are attached to endogamy. 11 In contrast, the opposition of non-Muslims (within the control group) to marriage with Muslims is not significantly affected by the gender of the person in question. On the whole, Muslims are for the most part, like the rest of the French, open to mixed marriages.

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